(Feature)
It is said of Islamic fundamentalists and revolutionary-brand Communists that they take the democratic route to capture power and, once in the saddle, go about ruthlessly implementing their agendas, showing scant respect for democracy. Even though the Maoists in Nepal did not secure an absolute majority in the Constituent Assembly elections and depend on the support of other parties to run a government, they are not willing to observe the rules and discipline of a coalition which involves accommodating your partners to the full.

The smaller parties, such as, the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) went along with the Maoists to abolish the 24 year old Shah dynasty's rule at the very first sitting of the Assembly in the hope that their expectation would be accommodated while drafting the final constitution and distribution of various constitutional offices. They are to subordinate their revolutionary ferver to the common good and direct their energies to revolutionize the lives of the Nepalese people, who are among the poorest in the world. The peacemaking democratic and peaceful transition has proved that revolutions need not always be bloody. Even though much blood was shed during two decades of Maoist insurgency, which cost over 20,000 lives, yet the objective to capture power was achieved by peaceful, democratic and constitutional means.

The end of the monarchy does not by itself bring the country's peace process to an end. The Maoists, though the largest party, do not command a majority in the Constituent Assembly and cannot have their way in all vital matter affecting the lives of the people and their future dispensation under a democratic system. They need to consult and accommodate the other parties and achieve their set goals through a process of consensus it the peaceful revolution is to be completed and all its aims achieved. The people voted to end monarchy -- a symbol of exploitation, authoritarian and exploitative rule -- and this is where the real challenge for those elected begins. Civilized cohabitation, subordinating personal agenda to the larger cause of development and ensuring the people their basic and fundamental rights, is what Nepal needs now.

After declaring Nepal a sovereign democratic republic, the Maoists should exhibit the same kind of flexibility they have shown since they became party to the peace process, halted their civil war. Disarmed their cadres and vowed to stay on the democratic course. For this they have won considerable praise. Even countries, such as, the United States which put Maoists on their list of international terrorists, have complimented the people for putting their faith in the constitutional process and defining a new democratic Nepal. Washington regards this as another "exciting milestone in Nepal's democratic development." It encouraged the Consembly members to continue their work to fulfill the people's desire for peace, democracy and development. The UN special representative in Nepal called the Assembly the "most inclusive body" the country has ever known.

But the distrust of Maoists still persists among other parties, which believe that they will use the constitutional route to shape Nepal's political and economic life according to their authoritarian beliefs and make it impossible for any opposition to function in future. They feel that the post of President and Prime Minister could not be held by the same party in a coalition and that there should be balanced distribution of powers. They do not buy the argument that a merely ceremonial president could exercise no power on his own and that real decision-making would rest with the government led by the Prime Minister. But, the counter-argument is that a party President would accept whatever advice was tendered to him by the government belonging to the same party, which would lead to authoritarianism. Hence, the need for the two posts to go to different parties in the interest of checks and balances in a democratic system. Though Maoists have withdrawn claim on President's post strains persist.

The other parties are not so much worried about the loss of power as long-term consequences of Maoist rule. They think the Maoists have accepted the multi-party system, but do not really believe in it, regarding it as mere change of tactics. They would impose social control and hold elections in a way that other do not win. Some, however, feel such fears are exaggerated because the Maoists cannot have their way without two-third majority, or even a simple and comfortable majority to enable them to take decisions on their own without the support of others. But, the Maoists insistence on a two-thirds majority needed to remove a Prime Minister goes against the practice in all democratic countries. If this is accepted, it will be virtually impossible to remove a Maoist Prime Minister by a simple vote of parliament.

Even before formally coming to power, the Maoists have stated to distribute all captured lands and have not returned them to their owners. Land reform is a constitutional and legal exercise, to be undertaken under laws passed by parliament. It could involve land ceilings, distribution of surplus lands to the landless ect, but all this can happen only with due authority and process of law. There is no room for confiscation of lands and other property by activists of political parties and their disposal according to their whims. However, Maoist leader Prachanda insists they have no such agenda. The Maoists were committed to democracy and freedom to the private sector to industrialize the country. They welcome foreign investment in key areas they priorities as Nepal is very underdeveloped and under-industrialized. There is nothing that can prevent ending the feudal system: therefore, priority to land reforms, abolition of absentee landlordism, land distribution as two-thirds of Nepal's agriculturists are subsistence farmers.

The other point is regarding integration of the Maoists volunteer army of some 23,000 kicking their heels in temporary camps with the regular Army which is 90,000 strong. During the elections the Maoists went about saying that Nepal did not need such a big army and that defence expenditure should be cut. Integrating the ex-combatants would, therefore, substantially increase the defence budget for which resources would have to be found. It would create problems of discipline and may even demoralize the regulars who have fought pitched battles against the Maoists in the past. Perhaps, some other way could be found to absorb the former guerrillas; in the police or other departments to keep them busy. That would also end apprehensions about the Maoists maintaining a strong ideologically-oriented contingent in the regular Army to be at their disposal in case of any eventuality.

The Young Communist League members are still active in the villages indulging in extortion, murder and intimidation. They post a problem for the Maoists, who created them. Something needs to be done to discipline them and their energies could be diverted to constructive channels, such as, helping in the implementation of schemes of rural development and extending badly-needed social services to the entire country-side. In the meantime, they should stop attacking and killing the workers of other parties whom they consider as a hindrance to their cult of extortion and violence. The Maoists used them to garner votes, but now they need to be disciplined lest they turn guerrillas and trouble the regime.

The Madheshi parties in the Terai have also made good showing in the lections on the demand of extensive regional autonomy, which was promised to them by the Koirala Government before the polls. Their agitation had paralyzed economic life of Nepal for several weeks and they also undercut substantial Maoist following in the Terai. Being nearly 33 per cent of the population, the Madheshis cannot be ignored, though the Maoists had opposed their demand. Unless due provision for autonomy, or its equivalent, is made in the constitution, the Maoists will buy trouble from the Madheshis. Therefore, this is an issue they cannot ignore.

The Maoists have just begun and are not even in full control of government. They have to accept the democratic reality and exhibit a spirit of accommodation and give and take in the crucial days ahead. They not only have to govern, but also draft a democratic constitution, which would take case of the people's hopes, needs and aspirations and enable them to shape their future in an atmosphere of freedom. If they firmly believe in democracy, they have a long way to go and should remove all hurdles in the way, instead of putting new ones.

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